Invasion of the body snatchers! ‘Strange green crabs’ eating their way north

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Tom Harrington in calmer times

Tom Harrington seemed anxious the other night as he piloted The World at Six, the venerable CBC radio news program sometimes referred to as The World in a Fix.

“Our next story has all the trappings of a sci-fi horror flick such as The Thing or Alien,” Harrington informed listeners as the studio clock marched past the 21-minute, 33-second mark of Friday evening’s program.

“An invader arrives and slowly takes over its new territory, seemingly unstoppable,” he continued. “It begins mating with the local species creating a new, even stronger creature.”

Lest his listeners suspect he had flipped his lid, Harrington hastened to assure them he was reporting fact, not fiction.

“Well, the story is all-too-real in the icy waters of Newfoundland. They’re being overtaken by strange, green crabs that eat everything they come across, even each other.”

Even each other?!

“As the CBC’s Chris O’Neill-Yates tells us, fishermen and scientists are struggling to find a solution,” Tom added, clicking off his mic before stepping out of the spotlight.

Next came the crying of gulls and a mumbled male voice, “numerous, they’re numerous,” and then, after three seconds, Chris O’Neill-Yates walked onstage to tell an old, familiar tale — one about nature on the rampage threatening the human economic and even moral order.

The late scholar Richard V. Ericson identified the main themes in such stories as  “deviance and control,” which he called “the core ingredients of news.”

Not pretty to look at

CBC photo and caption demonizes green crab

In the radio version of her story and the one on the Web, O’Neill-Yates, and the scientist she interviewed, described the green crab as an “invasive species” that is “very aggressive,” “ferocious,” “voracious,” “cannibalistic” and “nasty.”

The CBC Web photo (on the right) depicts what looks like a sea monster while the caption calls the green crab “not pretty to look at” and “downright scary.”

It is an old familiar story, whether it’s about an invasive plague of army worms, nasty fire ants, or even a shrub, such as Japanese knotweed, “the plant that ate Britain.”

Hyperreal news

These stories are not “fake news“; they’re more like a type of hyperreality blending what is real with what is fictional until there’s no clear dividing line between where reality ends and fiction begins.

In these CBC stories on the “strange” green crab, genuine scientific concern is blended with the plots of science fiction movies and colourful, action-packed language that depicts an ugly and violent creature capable of “devastating” a “very profitable” lobster fishery.

This is the “fun house” aspect of journalism that Mitchell Stephens describes in his book A History of News:

“Abnormalities loom large in journalism’s bent mirrors; perspectives are distorted; horrors materialize out of nowhere; everywhere we turn there is blood and danger,” Stephens writes.

“Much of the time journalists, like circus announcers, are reduced to barking and adding admonitions: ‘Marvelous!’ ‘Prodigious!’ ‘Frightful!’ ‘Lamentable!’ ‘Horrible!'”

Journalism and nature

So what’s wrong with a hyperreal, fun-house story about the green crab that blends science with science fiction and facts with entertainment?

Well, for one thing, it reinforces the age-old, human-centred view of nature as an endless resource for economic growth and consumption. And it ignores environmental movements such as deep ecology that argue we need to learn we’re part of the natural world and that its survival depends on our living ethically within it.

As O’Neill-Yates’s report notes in passing, it won’t be possible to eradicate the green crab; they’re here to stay. So, what’s the point in depicting them as sci-fi sea monsters or nasty, ferocious aliens?

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Invasion of the body snatchers! ‘Strange green crabs’ eating their way north

Good riddance Fidel you repressive old fuck, CBC never liked you anyway

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David Common

David Common

Is it only my imagination or is the propaganda element in news becoming ever more pervasive in this “post-truth” era?

Could it be that what passes for reporting, especially in broadcast media, is often little more than cherry-picked “facts” cited to support crudely spun conclusions?

Well, here’s one example that might answer those questions:

“Cubans have been lining up for hours in Havana’s Revolution Square to honour Fidel Castro,” David Common, anchor of CBC Radio’s World Report announced during this morning’s broadcast.

“Streets are closed to handle the massive crowds flooding into the area,” he reported, but in case his listeners might be misled into thinking that masses of people were genuinely moved by the death of the man who led the Cuban revolution, Common added, “And while many are criticizing the legacy of their former president, it’s difficult to find dissenting voices in Havana.”


People lining up for hours, streets closed to handle massive crowds, and by the way, it’s hard to find “dissenting voices.” Now why would that be?

Adrienne Arsenault

Adrienne Arsenault

In an apparent attempt to solve this CBC-spun mystery, Common introduced correspondent Adrienne Arsenault in Havana.

“Cuba’s state paper Granma is a must-read at the moment — must-read as in a sense of duty to read,” Arsenault began before describing the newspaper’s front page.

“All in black and white, no colourful banners, and ‘Cuba es Fidel’ scrawled across the bottom. That’s a clever play on words meaning Cuba is Fidel, but also, Cuba is loyal,” she reported. “Cuba’s leaders certainly hope so. Searching for contrarian voices is a ghost-hunt in this sensitive moment.”

Well, if Arsenault couldn’t find any contrarians, reporters for the Wall Street Journal had no trouble.

In line at Revolution Square, Alberto Estrada, 27, said while he wanted to pay his respects, he also wanted to see change come to Cuba, from a more open economy to elections.

“To be able to elect your leaders is a right of everyone, to be able to choose who’s best,” he said.

Some mourners paying respect to the country’s longtime leader expressed hope they could get on with their lives without Mr. Castro’s long shadow.

“The bad side of Fidel was that we all got used to look up to him for everything: jobs, education, food,” said Nora Gómez, a 54-year-old canteen worker, after signing a book of condolences at a local school. “People lost their independence, their capacity to think.”

Not being able to find any naysayers herself, Arsenault resorted to Skype where she located “the often-arrested, outspoken artist, Tania Bruguera” who, Arsenault said, “happens to be out of the country.” (The Cuban authorities arrested Bruguera three times over a period of three days from Dec. 31, 2014 to Jan. 2, 2015.)

“I know for sure that repression is going very strong these days,” Bruguera said. “I heard that some dissidents have police around their houses.”

The artist went on to tell Arsenault that as she watches the crowds in Revolution Square from afar, they seem dispassionate and certainly it doesn’t look like past mourning for singers and other beloved souls.

“Almost like you’re at this school that you have to do what they tell you to do,” Bruguera added.

After that declaration, Arsenault reported on the leaders, such as Vladimir Putin and Justin Trudeau, who would not be attending a mass rally for Castro, only left-wing leaders from Latin America and this semi-fact that gave Arsenault her dramatic ending:

“Zimbabwe’s ancient strongman, 92-year-old Robert Mugabe, says he wants to come too. Holder of one repressive record paying respect to another.”

So why is Castro news?

Fidel Castro

Fidel Castro

There was nothing in Arsenault’s report to indicate why Castro’s death was even worth covering. Why take the trouble to fly to Havana just to condemn a repressive old fuck?

Maybe if Arsenault had watched Democracy Now before filing her threadbare report she might have understood Castro’s legacy. Here are three brief excerpts:

(1) Bill Fletcher Jr., longtime labour, racial justice and international activist, editorial board member and columnist for, founder of the Black Radical Congress, his recent piece  is headlined “Black America and the Passing of Fidel Castro.”

He took a country that had been turned into a whorehouse and gambling casino for the United States, and gave that country dignity. He turned a country that was poor—remains poor—into a major location for the production of medical personnel, who have gone around the world and made themselves available to countries that could never afford that kind of assistance. He… combated the apartheid regime in South Africa, but, in addition, provided all sorts of assistance to forces that were fighting Portuguese colonialism and white minority rule. He helped to construct the idea of Latin American independence, working very closely with the late President Chávez of Venezuela. And this is one of the reasons that he has a special place for much of black America, that he stood up to the United States. The United States did everything that they could possibly do to destroy him, to bring him down and to bring down his government, and it did not work.

(2) Peter Kornbluh, director of the Cuba Documentation Project at the National Security Archive. He’s the co-author with William LeoGrande of Back Channel to Cuba: The Hidden History of Negotiations Between Washington and Havana.

He will be remembered for his emphasis on healthcare, education and certainly his uncompromising commitment to independence and sovereignty. And the legacy of his discussions with the United States shows this extraordinary commitment. At one point, the Carter administration sent a secret negotiating team down to talk to him, and they basically said, you know, “We’ll lift the embargo, if you get out of Africa.” And he said, in response, “You know, I don’t accept that the United States gets to operate by one set of rules, and Cuba, smaller country, is being told to operate by a second set of rules. The revolution meant independence for our governance and our foreign policy, and that is what we are going to pursue.” And he pursued that until the very end.

(3) Lou Pérez Jr., professor of history at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, author of several books, including Cuba in the American Imagination: Metaphor and the Imperial Ethos and Cuba: Between Reform and Revolution.

I think it’s important to contextualize Fidel Castro. What resonates in the world, at least as much as Fidel Castro, is the Cuban revolution. And the Cuban revolution itself is a historical process that comes out of 100 years of struggle. The Cuban revolution represents the culmination of Cuban history. And behind Fidel Castro, or perhaps even ahead of Fidel Castro, are a people, a people who have been struggling for self-determination and national sovereignty for the better part of a century.

AMY GOODMAN: And, Professor Pérez, the dominant discussion in the U.S. corporate media is that he was a dictator, that he was a killer, that he killed many and imprisoned dissidents. Your response to that description?

LOUIS PÉREZ JR.: I don’t know how to respond to that. There is, I think—this is an authoritarian system. This is a system that is not reluctant to use repressive means to maintain power. This is a system that has spawned a fairly extensive intelligence system, surveillance systems. And in many ways, I think Cuba offers us a cautionary tale. For 30, 40, 50 years, Cuba has been under siege from the United States. And once that idea of national security enters into the calculus of governance, you are aware that civil liberties and the freedoms of the press and freedom of political exchange shrink—and we’re experiencing this here since 9/11—so that Cuba becomes a national security state, with justification if one believes that the duty of a government is to protect the integrity of national sovereignty. And so, for 50 years, Cuba, 90 miles away from the world’s most powerful country, struggles to maintain its integrity, its national sovereignty, and in the course of these years increasingly becomes a national security state. Ironically, the United States contributes to the very conditions that it professes to abhor.

CBC World Report, Tuesday November 29, 2016

David Common intro: Cubans have been lining up for hours in Havana’s Revolution Square to honour Fidel Castro. Streets are closed to handle the massive crowds flooding into the area. And while many are criticizing the legacy of their former president, it’s difficult to find dissenting voices in Havana. Adrienne Arsenault is there.

Adrienne Arsenault script: Cuba’s state paper Granma is a must-read at the moment — must-read as in a sense of duty to read. All in black and white, no colourful banners, and “Cuba es Fidel” scrawled across the bottom. That’s a clever play on words meaning Cuba is Fidel, but also, Cuba is loyal. Cuba’s leaders certainly hope so. Searching for contrarian voices is a ghost-hunt in this sensitive moment. The often-arrested, outspoken artist, Tania Bruguera happens to be out of the country. “Good thing, perhaps,” she offered by Skype because she claims her dissident friends here in Cuba are nervous.

Clip (Tania Bruguera): I know for sure that repression is going very strong these days. I heard that some dissidents have police around their houses.

Arsenault script: Being away from home now let’s her see Cuba a bit differently. She’s watching the pilgrimage in Revolution Square and what she sees doesn’t look like Cuban mourning in the past for singers or other beloved souls. Her view is this feels dispassionate.

Clip (Tania Bruguera): Almost like you’re at this school that you have to do what they tell you to do. And I think it’s important that Cubans understand that because of the death of Fidel, we can stop the (?)

Arsenault script: Easy to say from faraway, she’ll have much to look at tonight with the scheduled mass rally. No Vladimir Putin, no Justin Trudeau, no Theresa May, but Latin American left-wing leaders will be there and Zimbabwe’s ancient strongman, 92-year-old Robert Mugabe says he wants to come too. Holder of one repressive record paying respect to another. Adrienne Arsenault, CBC News, Havana.

Meantime, for an overview of the “abysmally one-sided” media coverage of Castro’s death by my friend and former journalism school colleague, Stephen Kimber, click here.

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St. George’s portrait and fables the media tell, Part II

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Martin posing as Brian Mulroney

Paul Martin posing as Brian Mulroney

The story’s always the same these days when Paul Martin slips into the news again. Mr. Dithers (the media moniker for the former PM) is forgotten and St. George, the fearless deficit-slaying finance minister, rides boldly across the stage.

And so it was last week when Martin’s official, Mulroney-like, portrait was unveiled on Parliament Hill.

“He confronted a fiscal crisis in this country, one that was on the verge of crippling our economy,” said Trudeau II echoing the main media fable about Martin.

“His bold choices were right for the time and ended up paying dividends that we still see to this day,” Trudeau continued.

Oh yeah, “dividends” like record student debt, below-poverty-line welfare rates and a critical shortage of affordable, public housing — all legacies of the fearless St. George and the Harper Conservatives who gladly followed his neo-liberal, hell or high water trail.

Or maybe by “dividends” the well-heeled Justin meant Martin’s multi-billion dollar tax giveaways to corporations and the lucky members of Canada’s elite 1% club.

Canada’s greatest finance minister

The silliest media piece on the unveiling was penned by the CBC’s Neil Macdonald. He recalled riding with the finance chief in the cheap seats on a commercial airliner headed westwards while some backbench MPs sipped champagne and yukked it up in business class.

Macdonald asked Martin if it wasn’t a weird scene especially since some of the backbenchers were Reform Party members who had denounced such business class travel.

He just shrugged, and put on that rueful grin of his, and went back to the pile of business on his lap.

Rueful. That was always his look. Almost apologetic, somehow.


As usual, Macdonald goes on to observe that St. George’s budget slashing “worked.”

Martin began running surpluses for the first time in a quarter century. Five consecutive surpluses, which shrank the debt and, yes, allowed restoration of program spending.

Well, not exactly. In 2000, Martin delivered the biggest tax cuts in history while maintaining federal spending as a proportion of the economy at the low levels not seen since the late 1940s and early 50s  —  well before the advent of federal-provincial social programs in health, education and welfare.

And as for his flying in the cheap seats, Macdonald appears to have forgotten that in 2003, Robert Fife, then Ottawa Bureau Chief for CanWest News Service reported:

Paul Martin flew on private corporate jets of some of Canada’s wealthiest businessmen for pleasure and business during his years as finance minister.

The trips were not publicly declared as required under federal conflict of interest rules.

According to Fife, the ethics commissioner privately OK’d Martin’s flights on the grounds that his benefactors were personal friends.

Neil Macdonald writes that during the unveiling ceremony, Martin “was referred to as the greatest finance minister in our history.”

Although Macdonald doesn’t say who uttered those words, maybe it was one of those high-flying capitalist benefactors, perhaps Paul Desmarais Jr. of Power Corp, the french-frying McCains or Gerry Schwartz of Onex Corp, grateful that their St. George had kicked the shit out of those disgusting, weak-kneed types who shamelessly fed at the troughs of welfare-state entitlement.

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St. George’s portrait and fables the media tell, Part II

St. George enters federal campaign: how media frame the economy, Part I

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Former PM Paul Martin (Photo: Andrew Rusk)

Former PM Paul Martin (Photo: Andrew Rusk)

As federal politicians continue their trek toward election day on October 19th, it’s worth looking at how mainstream journalists frame economic issues and asking what if they framed them differently? What if, for example, journalists asked who gains and who loses from balanced budgets, tax cuts and spending restraint?

Michal Rozworski’s piece published yesterday in The Tyee is a helpful backgrounder because it views economic policies through the lenses of social class and the capitalist system. It’s especially relevant now that Paul Martin has appeared on the campaign trail.

Rozworski recalls Martin’s record as federal finance minister in the 1990s. He argues that Martin’s austerity policies disciplined workers on behalf of the capitalist class, though of course, Martin himself would never put it that way. Aside from Martin’s cuts to social programs in the 90s, the Liberals also gutted unemployment insurance.

In 1990, 80 per cent of workers could qualify for UI. Thanks to Martin-era reforms, that figure fell to 45 per cent by 2008 meaning that most workers could not collect what had, by then, been renamed Employment Insurance. As Rozworski writes:

When workers know they are less likely to get state support, they are also less willing to go out on a limb to demand wage increases, form a union, or otherwise try to better their working conditions. Changes to unemployment insurance were part of a reorientation towards more flexible labour markets and a lower social wage. Business was helped directly, too: their unemployment insurance contributions fell by over a third.

But mainstream journalists rarely remember the effects of Liberal policies in the 1990s and in any case, would never frame them as anti-worker.

Martin as economic star?

Paul Martin’s appearance at a campaign event yesterday in Toronto prompted the Canadian Press news agency to report that the Liberals “put on a display of economic star power…as voters watched jittery world markets and Justin Trudeau faced unrelenting Conservative attack ads that portray him as weak on the economy.” Martin was one of the economic stars the news agency referred to.

For mainstream media, Martin achieved his star status with his 1994 and 1995 budgets when he became the St. George who, “come hell or high water,” slew the “deficit dragon.”

Canadian Press called Martin’s campaign appearance “a not-so-subtle attempt to remind voters that as finance minister under Jean Chretien he oversaw the elimination of the federal deficit.”

In that way of framing things, Martin’s deficit record is a bankable asset, an achievement Canadians (and Liberals) can be proud of.

Martin as slasher

Left-wing economists, such as Jim Stanford, have long pointed out, however, that Martin’s slash and burn approach to social programs went far beyond what was needed to eliminate budget deficits and bring federal debt under control.

Martin scored part of his success on the backs of the poor when he eliminated the Canada Assistance Plan which shared welfare costs with the provinces. It was replaced by the Canada Health and Social Transfer that reduced overall federal spending on social programs. After the elimination of CAP, welfare rates took a dive sending the message that supporting Canada’s “unproductive” underclass was a luxury the state could no longer afford.

Even so, mainstream media applauded Martin’s cuts in the 1990s and continue to applaud them today, although Sun Media columnist Anthony Furey did wonder why Martin would sully his fine reputation by campaigning with the likes of Justin Trudeau. Furey writes:

It’s obvious why the Liberals wanted Martin at their presser. As finance minister, he balanced the budget during tough times in the 1990s. The surpluses continued during his years as PM.

What’s less obvious though is why Martin would want to damage his legacy by standing beside a novice campaigner whose most memorable lines on economic policy are that “the budget will balance itself” and that he’ll grow the economy “from the heart outwards.”

While it’s true that the Sun Media chain likes to lean to the right, Furey’s positive view of Paul Martin’s legacy as deficit slasher, budget balancer and surplus maker is echoed throughout corporate media including the CBC.  Somehow Martin’s other legacies affecting poor people and workers have been forgotten or erased. For journalists, government economic policy, even Stephen Harper’s, is as free of ideology as it is of class bias.

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St. George enters federal campaign: how media frame the economy, Part I

Do 82% really support anti-terror law?

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Screen Shot 2015-03-01 at 9.38.17 AM

Angus Reid online survey of 1,509 adults conducted Feb. 9-11

Every mainstream media outlet in Canada is reporting that 82 per cent of Canadians support Bill C-51, the Harper government’s proposed “anti-terror” legislation. The reporting makes the 82 per cent figure seem certain even though the Angus Reid poll it’s based on was not a random sample of the whole population and more than half of those who took part in the survey knew little or nothing about the new legislation.

Globe and Mail coverage was typical. The newspaper ran an “analysis” piece under the headline, “New poll finds Harper’s anti-terror bill is a political juggernaut.” The paper’s chief political writer, Campbell Clark, began with a declaration: “There’s rarely been a bill before Parliament that was more popular. The public (sic) Conservatives’ new anti-terror legislation is filling a public demand for tough new measures aimed at a terrorism threat that Canadians believe is serious, and close to home, according to a new poll.”

It took Clark 12 paragraphs to tell readers how the poll was done. “The Internet survey was conducted with a randomly selected sample of 1,509 Canadians drawn from an Angus Reid panel.”

After the piece ends 17 paragraphs down, an editor’s note informs readers that an earlier version of the story mistakenly gave the poll’s margin of error. “Because it was not a random sample of the whole population, the pollster, the Angus Reid Institute, does not cite a margin of error,” the editor’s note continued. It then went on to say that the margin of error the pollster did give was for  a “probabilistic sample of the same size.”


Questions about the accuracy of online polls

The Pew Research Center in the U.S. warns that online polls have their limitations. For one thing, participation is limited to people with access to the Internet. For another, online polls like this one are based on panels of people who volunteer to fill out surveys in return for small amounts of money, a chance to win prizes and the promise that their opinions will influence elite decision-makers. (See below for more details on the Angus Reid panels. For more detailed information about the limitations of online polls, see this 2010 report from the American Association for Public Opinion Research.)

Aside from concerns about the limitations of online polling, more than half of those who took part in the survey knew little or nothing about Bill C-51. In fact, only 18 per cent seem to have paid much attention to media reports and what friends and family had to say.

Screen Shot 2015-03-01 at 9.18.12 AM

So why attach any significance to this poll?

Well, it’s an election year and for months, journalists have been scrambling to figure out which issues may favour one party or another. It’s part of the media fascination with the political horse race, who’s gaining and who’s losing. And the polls, with their precise numbers, seem to offer answers.

As they say, perception is reality.

How Angus Reid puts his panels together

Angus Reid panellists are volunteers who sign up to complete monthly profiling questionnaires. The links to the online surveys are emailed to them. The surveys ask for information about a range of things such as age, income, family size, lifestyle, consumer preferences and habits as well as opinions on current political issues.

Panellists are told their opinions will influence decision-makers “whether they are developing public policy or moulding new products and services. Your voice will be heard in the media as they report on the changing values and preferences of the Canadian public.”

In return for taking part, panellists are eligible to receive small amounts of money, usually 50 cents for each profiling survey, plus a chance to win monthly prizes. Panellists can redeem their “survey dollars” only when their total reaches $50. They also earn additional survey dollars if they fill out other questionnaires that the company invites them to complete.


From the Globe and Mail, Feb. 19, 2015:

Editor’s Note: The original newspaper version of this story and an earlier digital version mistakenly referred to a margin of error for this poll. The poll was conducted with a randomly selected sample of 1,509 people drawn from an Angus Reid panel of 130,000 people. Because it was not a random sample of the whole population, the pollster, the Angus Reid Institute, does not cite a margin of error. It instead noted the margin of error for a probabilistic sample of the same size. This digital version has been corrected.

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Do 82% really support anti-terror law?

CBC reporters tell different tales about Israel

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Baird poster

Protester holds sign at anti-Baird rally

When Foreign Affairs Minister John Baird’s convoy got pelted with eggs and shoes by Palestinian protesters in Ramallah, in the West Bank yesterday, CBC radio and TV saw things quite differently.

Radio framed the story narrowly, telling it mainly from Baird (and Israel’s) point of view, while CBC TV presented a more critical and nuanced account that explained why Palestinians see Canada’s support for Israel as a threat.

The introduction to the radio report on The World This Weekend told listeners: “Demonstrators were angry with the Canadian government’s perceived pro-Israel stance” as though Canada’s fervent, unqualified and well-publicized support for Israel was a matter of perception, not fact. CBC Radio’s Middle East correspondent Derek Stoffel explained that, “Protesters say they don’t like Canada’s position when it comes to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. They accuse Canada of blindly siding with Israel.”

Stoffel went on to note that Baird got a much friendlier reception later in Jerusalem when he met Israel’s foreign minister. “They both took aim at the International Criminal Court,” Stoffel said, adding, “In a provocative move, the Palestinian leadership asked to join the ICC and the court is now considering whether it will investigate Israeli war crimes in the occupied Palestinian territories.”

Stoffel then made it clear that both Baird and his Israeli counterpart strongly objected to the Palestinians going to the ICC with Baird calling on them to negotiate with Israel — a reference, though Stoffel didn’t say it, to the endless “peace process” that Israel uses to buy time while it builds illegal Jewish settlements on Palestinian land.

CBC Television’s different picture

The introduction to the TV report on The National told viewers about “Baird’s rough reception” in Ramallah and promised more details about “the reason behind it.” Correspondent Saša Petricic began by noting that, “It used to be that Palestinians in the Occupied Territories saw Canada as a friend or at least an honest broker — not so, today.”

After giving details about the flying eggs and shoes, Petricic reported that later in Jerusalem, Israel’s foreign minister heard Baird’s “unconditional endorsement of Israel.” He added: “Baird scolded Palestinian attempts to end the occupation through the UN or other bodies.” Then he showed a clip of Baird saying:

But these provocative, unilateral actions will not contribute to peace and security in the region. We also strongly support Israel’s right to defend itself by itself and we’ll play our part to defend it from international efforts to de-legitimize the State of Israel.

“Not a word about Israeli settlements in the West Bank,” Petricic added, “which Ottawa has long considered illegal under international law. And no criticism of Israel’s actions during last summer’s Gaza war which the International Criminal Court has started investigating at the request of the Palestinians.”

Petricic concluded by noting, “Israel has asked for Canada’s help in pressuring the court to drop its investigation. Baird didn’t commit Ottawa to any particular action, but he was sympathetic, far too sympathetic say the Palestinians who now see Canada as standing in the way of their statehood.”

Two reporters, two stories

One of the weaknesses of reporting in mainstream media is the tendency to parrot what powerful officials say and to frame stories from their point of view while ignoring historical context and glossing over specific details.

CBC Radio’s account of the Palestinian protests against Baird is a good example. Derek Stoffel refers to the “Israeli-Palestinian conflict” as though it’s a bloodless, two-sided contest between equals. In his account, Israel and Canada are calling for peace talks while the Palestinians make a “provocative move,” pressing the International Criminal Court to investigate Israeli war crimes.

With the help of Petricic’s reporting, we see that Stoffel echoes Baird’s own words — “provocative and unilateral actions” — as Canada’s foreign affairs minister scolds the Palestinians for trying, in Petricic’s words, “to end the occupation through the UN and other bodies.”

There’s no mention in Stoffel’s reporting (or in Baird’s remarks) of the expanding Jewish settlements, while Petricic points out that Canada has long considered them illegal under international law.

So, why were Palestinian protesters pelting Baird’s convoy with eggs and shoes? Was it because, as Stoffel said, “they accuse Canada of blindly siding with Israel”? Or was Petricic closer to the truth when he reported that Palestinians “now see Canada as standing in the way of their statehood”?

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CBC reporters tell different tales about Israel